Split, Croatia's second largest city, has gained notoriety for numerous patriotic rallies and is increasingly perceived as the exile for war veterans and nationalist dinosaurs. The presence of Croatian nationalists in this luscious Dalmatian seaside city is becoming reminiscent of the various comebacks staged by the White Army from the Crimea peninsula during the 1917 to 1921 Russian Revolution.
They might be out, but they are not down. Observers say former ruling party Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and other assorted nationalists are well-organised, staging continuous pickets, rallies and roadblocks in support of fugitive Croatian Army General Ante Gotovina, ex-general Mirko Norac and others threatened with extradition to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague. The Committee to Defend the Dignity of the Fatherland War is most active across the Dalmatian coast—but why in the city previously known as Red Split?
Red Split—no more
Split gives the impression of a prosperous port, but has in many ways missed out on Croatia's economic recovery, with unemployment set at around 22 per cent. The gap between a small rich elite and the impoverished masses is growing ever wider. The city's mayor, Ivica Skarić—from the "soft" nationalist HSLS party but with a hard-core reputation—is running the municipal government in coalition with the HDZ.
Furthermore—until management changes in June 2001—the Split-based Slobodna Dalmatia (SD) was the only major daily in the country still nostalgic of the Tuđman era and giving media support to the HDZ and war veterans. Individual writers of the column- and slander-driven SD regularly fuelled the flames of the right, for instance editor Josip Jović published a fictitious interview with Mirko Norac on 14 February 2001, when the ex-general was still at large.
Split's right-wing potential was evident in the hero's welcome given to Goran Ivanišević after his Wimbledon victory. Around two thousand turned out in his hometown waving Croatian flags and nationalist symbols. In February, a huge nationalist rally in defence of Norac attracted at least half that number.
However, nationalism in Split is not one-dimensional and is often directed against centralism and Zagreb. Most local inhabitants are in support of their own regional autonomy, a mood the nationalist wing aims to exploit. Fans of the city's football team Haiduk, in particular during and after games against archenemy Dinamo Zagreb, have a reputation for stirring up trouble. The latest riots between the two sides, this time allegedly started by the Dinamo fan base, occurred on 14 October.
Although Zagreb was previously portrayed as the cradle of power for Croatia's nationalists, it has now quickly adopted to the new times, even holding rallies in support of the centre-left government. So it came as no surprise that a rally in Zagreb called by rightist groups on 20 October only attracted about 20,000 people, primarily bussed in from Dalmatia and Hercegovina, significantly smaller than the February demo in Split. Nevertheless, the war veterans issued an ultimatum to Prime Minister Račan, demanding the annulment of the arrest warrant against Gotovina and an amnesty for Croatian fighters from war crime proceedings.
Gotovina—not yet finished
Ex-general Gotovina, wanted by the ICTY, has been on the run for several months and is reportedly protected by about 30 well-trained professionals. Croatian police currently do not know his whereabouts; although there have been several sightings across the coast. They assume the arrest is unlikely to take place without bloodshed or even a popular uprising. Gotovina, who until 1991 fought for the French Foreign Legion, has said that he will not turn himself in alive. Gotovina was commander of the Split Military District in 1993 and consequently in charge for the 1995 artillery attacks on Knin and Benkovac as part of Operation Storm (Oluja), which re-conquered the Serbian mini state Krajina.
According to the Croatian Helsinki Committee, the final result of Operation Storm was the deaths of at least 410 Serb civilians, 150,000 to 200,000 Serb refugees and 22,000 systematically destroyed homes to prevent their return.
Croatia has been rocked by a series of arrests of indicted war criminals over the last three months. The latest indictments were issued against seven former military police officers in the town of Bjelovar on 15 November. For the first time, the public has been confronted with the ghastly details of the crimes committed by its own fighters in the "holy war for the fatherland." Before, the media and public figures had portrayed the war as entirely defensive and referred to war crimes and ethnic cleansing as exclusive to the Yugoslav army and Serb paramilitary forces.
Known war criminals are respected pillars of society and are prominent in the judiciary. They have the support of the most vociferous parts of society. "My theory is that the Committee to Defend the Dignity of the Fatherland War is primarily backed by individuals that have got most to hide," said Drago Pilsel, respected war-crimes specialist and former vice-president of the Croatian Helsinki Committee.
Former army general Mirko Norac, another rallying point for the far right, is on trial in the port town Rijeka following a deal with ICTY. Norac is accused of the execution of civilians in Gošpić, a small town not far from Split, in 1991. His indictment in February led to a month of political unrest including the large rally in Split. In summer, road blocks and historic parades were organised in his defence.
Observers say that right-wing politicians—including Miroslav Tuđman (son of the former president), Tuđman's former adviser Ivica Pasalić and others—use the Gotovina and Norac cases to further their own political ambitions by undermining the stability of the current government. HDZ activists openly say their primary aim is early elections by stirring up civil disobedience, in particular in Dalmatia.
The government under Račan has not made a clean break with the past, in an effort not to upset the right, even if the silent majority may be in favour of legal action against criminals. The balancing act involves appeasement of the HDSL, the second largest party in Račan's government, until recently led by Dražen Budiša. He stepped down when his opposition to ICTY and Gotovina's arrest warrant almost caused the collapse of the coalition.
Colonialising Split
One of the major reasons for Split's ugly right-wing potential is its proximity to rural Herzegovina (the Croat-dominated part of the Bosnian Federation), home to some of the most ardent nationalists. Split-based organisers are able to rapidly mobilise thousands of nationalist supporters from the surrounding umland.
Under Franjo Tuđman—who, in a secret pact with Yugoslav ruler Slobodan Milošević, attempted to divide Bosnia and incorporate Hercegovina into Croatia—Hercegovians enjoyed various privileges such as lucrative relocation offers and the right to vote. "Rural Hercegovians are gravitating to Split in need of education and social services," explains Victor Ivančić, editor of the political and satirical weekly Feral Tribune.
He lists their special status as the relatively banal reason for Split's transformation into the Casablanca for nationalists. "About 10,000 Croat families, of which many came from Hercegovina, were allocated apartments in Split that were seized from Yugoslav army personnel. They do not want to lose their old age residencies and are thus actively fighting for a return of the HDZ to power."
Split was the most significant military port in the old Yugoslavia. Mirroring events in the rest of the country, it was depopulated of its sizeable Serb minority in the early 1990s, when Croat authorities seized apartments of Yugoslav officers and made it increasingly difficult for the indigenous, civilian Serb population to remain. Although Split did not see any military activities in the 1991 to 1995 war, a hostile political climate led to the widespread exodus of Serbs, of whom many had century-long roots in Croatia.
"Split may look more beautiful than ever, but it has lost its edge. The previously alternative and bohemian city is no longer red," said Jasna, a Croatian Serb actress who was born in Split and whose family subsequently lost its apartment and relocated to Montenegro.
Of the 600,000 Serbs that lived in pre-war Croatia, about 35,000 remain. The purge of ethnic Serbs from Croatia has been largely unreported in Western media as it did not fit the stereotype of the Serbian perpetrator. The Croatian government does not encourage the return of Serbs wishing to take possession of their (former) properties. Croatian Serbs that live abroad have to apply for a visa that involves much red tape and can take months to obtain. It is also unclear whether Serb owners could actually sell their properties.
"My parents still own a house on Zadar, but I have been unable to go and inspect it, since the visa I applied for came only four months later, when I was already supposed to start a job abroad,"
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